by Irfan Ahmed
The long running conflict between Israel and Palestine has undoubtedly created conditions almost similar to the proletariat classes of 19th century America and Europe. It is almost as if the clocks of economic progress are moving clockwise in favor of currently developed nations, while the developing ones are moving just the opposite. Palestine is one prominent and glaring example. Critics of both Islam and Palestine would be indefatigably quick to point the finger at the Palestinians for the root cause of the conflict, while giving unequivocal support for Israel’s regime. Nonetheless, this case of brandishing all Palestinians as the root cause of violence only makes the distribution of international aid scarcer, and hence, the poor conditions become a harsher restrain on the quality of life.
According to the Declaration on the Right to Development, “The right to development is an inalienable human right by virtue of which every human person and all peoples are entitled to participate in, contribute to, and enjoy economic, social, cultural and political development, in which all human rights and fundamental freedoms can be fully realized.” [1] This fundamental right, at the behest of Israel, is completely rejected for the indigenous people of Palestine, but it is completely accepted as the fundamental right of Israel. Take for example a news article by Haaretz, a daily news source for Israel, where they reported on January 6th, 2008: “Israel announced plans on Sunday to build more than 800 hundred new homes in eastern parts of the Jerusalem municipality, despite U.S. and Palestinian calls to halt settlement expansion.” [2] Israel considers “all of Jerusalem as its capital.”, it is however the abruptness of the development of new settlements which completely undermines the American initiative to reconcile the differences between the two states at the Annapolis Conference. But many saw the conference as a method to remove the already tarnished image of America in the Middle East by serving as a mediator. But the mediator (United States) failed to repel Israel from their settlement activity and as of July 8th, 2008, “Israel issued on Thursday a tender for the construction of 447 housing units in settlements in the Jerusalem area” [3]
The siege of the Palestinians and the onslaught of settlement activity is seen to obstruct Palestinian freedom of movement and further their inclusion, which leads inexorably to lack of facility development, poor health conditions and of course, violent resistance. On Tuesday July 4th, 2006, the United States were celebrating their Independence Day, while the Gazans were trying to cope with their wretched conditions induced by occupation. Take Mahmoud Mughari for example, he says “I normally wash and shower twice a day. Now I can only do it every four or five days. The children smell. We all smell. We are worried that this will cause diseases.” [4] This ensued after “the Israeli Air Force attacked the only electrical power plant operating in the Gaza Strip. Six missiles were fired at the power plant’s six transformers… The effects of the attack are apparent in all areas of life. As a result of the lack of electricity, the level of medical services provided by clinics and hospitals has declined significantly; most of the urban population receive only two or three hours of water a day; the sewage system is on the verge of collapse; many inhabitants’ mobility has been severely restricted as a result of non-functioning elevators; and the lack of refrigeration has exposed many to the danger of food-poisoning.” [5]
Currently in the Gaza strip, the impoverished conditions continue as “Israeli ban on fuel supplies required for civilian life in the Gaza Strip has led to the paralysis of the educational sector. In addition, the health sector is on the verge of collapse due to the stoppage of many ambulances from operating for lack of fuel. Healthcare facilities have registered a 25% drop in clients due to the transport crisis, and hundreds of healthcare professionals have been unable to reach their work places.” [6]
Frederick Engels stated: “Poverty often dwells in hidden alleys close to the palaces of the rich; but, in general, a separate territory has been assigned to it, where, removed from the sight of the happier classes, it may struggle along as it can.” [7] Although the basis of his statement was on the proletariat class struggle within England, it is however the sheer idea of dire poverty existing on the outer skirts of a richer and more affluent society, which in the Palestinian case, are separated by walls. When Bush decided to visit the Middle East, which really meant Israel and a few other allied Arab nations, Abdel Salam, a Palestinian from the West Bank said: “I want Bush to come and visit the camp and see how we live, what the conditions here are…he pointed to sewage in the streets, broken roads and cramped living areas.” And asked “Would he like to live like this? He would be shocked by what he would see here.” [8] Bush would have been shocked if that statement was made open to the world, but what is equally shocking is the Gazan implosion in early March 2008, where “the CMWU estimates that between 25-30% of the Gaza Strip population does not receive running water in their homes. Before the blockade, CMWU was able to distribute water 100% of its beneficiaries in the Gaza Strip… Sewage pumping stations also cease to pump sewage to the treatment plants. Consequently, some 30-40 million litres of sewage goes into the sea everyday because of the lack of fuel to pump or treat human waste.” [9]
The description of the conditions in Palestine has strikingly reminiscent of the cellar dwellings in the Lower East Side tenements during the 19th century. For example, poor families were prone to “Overcrowded and unsanitary” conditions and the “introduction of pure Croton Water vastly enhanced sanitation for the middle and upper classes, conditions worsened for poor families living in cellar dwellings”, which left them also vulnerable to sewage and water related diseases. Another striking similarity between contemporary Palestine and 19th century Europe and America is child labor. In England for example, “thousands of children in England were employed in textile factories, workshops, and mines, usually working long hours for very low wages… In America, just as in England, minimum age laws were routinely ignored.” [10] As for Palestine, “Statistics show that seven per cent of children in Palestine, where 52 per cent of the population are under the age of 18, are now working.” [11] Regrettably, the parents in these circumstances have no choice but to get their youngest children employed. Especially with the “the number of households in Gaza below the poverty line has reached an historic high of nearly 52 percent, according to a new report by the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA)” [12]. Bereft families have taken extreme choices that they themselves aren’t proud of. One example of this unfortunate outcome is Rasha, who at the behest of her own willpower, is trying to help her struggling family. She said: “I sell biscuits or gum or anything else … that’s why we don’t go to school … we don’t have anything. We want to buy vegetables for the house and medicine for my mother … my sister has asthma so we have to buy her the breathing enhancer… I would like to go to school … and wear a uniform like other girls.” [13]
Editing the sad parts of the Palestinian plight would inevitably mean the end of Israeli occupation. But it isn’t that simple. The Palestinian problem is a big problem within a much bigger circle of problems the Muslim and Arab are in. These problems range from the conflict in Darfur, lack of medical supplies in Somalia, internal conflict in Lebanon, to the indefatigable presence of poverty in Afghanistan and throughout the Arab and African world. These sorts of problems are equally as prominent as the Palestinian plight. But, if the Muslim world acts to relinquish these problems as well as countless others, and reunite in order to have the power to restrain oppression wherever it occurs, the Palestinians may have their own state and a voice. As for now, nothing can really stop Israeli aggression, but the dwindling Palestinian population.
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References:
[1] http://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu3/b/74.htm
[2] http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/989016.html
[3] http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/1009560.html
[4] http://www.nzherald.co.nz/section/2/story.cfm?c_id=2&ObjectID=10389594
[5] http://www.btselem.org/english/Publications/Summaries/200609_Act_of_Vengeance.asp
[6] http://www.pchrgaza.org/files/W_report/English/2008/14-08-2008.htm
[7] http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1845/condition-working-class/ch04.htm
[8] http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/library/news/2008/01/mil-080114-irin02.htm
[9] http://www.oxfam.org.uk/resources/policy/conflict_disasters/downloads/gaza_implosion.pdf
[10] http://www.enotes.com/nineteenth-century-criticism/child-labor-nineteenth-century-literature
[11] http://english.aljazeera.net/news/middleeast/2007/12/200852513738767946.html
[12] http://www.ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=43318
[13] http://english.aljazeera.net/news/middleeast/2007/12/200852513738767946.html










































